From Asia to the Americas and from Europe to Africa, the world is witnessing a reconfiguration of global
politics
built not on norms or law but on the raw application of force. Hard power—military might, financial muscle,
and
the will to deploy them—has become the decisive factor shaping the State’s behaviour. The rule of law, whether
flowing from domestic constitutions or United Nations resolutions, is increasingly trumped by those who
possess
both capability and the audacity to act.
Israel’s genocide of Palestinians continues unabated, sustained by billions of dollars in US support, lethal
weapon supplies, and repeated Security Council vetoes. Israel, despite being the aggressor against multiple
Muslim
states in the region, enjoys virtually full Western cover, with the honourable exception of a few. Washington
continues to speak with a forked tongue, feigning friendship even while abdicating responsibility. Most
evident is
its recent failure not to warn Qatar, although according to public statements by Israeli officials, the Trump
administration had prior knowledge of the Israeli attacks on Qatar, its ostensible ally and a “billion-dollar
dealmaker friend”.
Meanwhile, the Ukraine war drags on, while Europe and the US remain divided over how to deal with Russia and
how
to secure Europe against a perceived Russian threat. Western societies themselves face growing internal
fractures.
Countries that once prided themselves on being melting pots of cultures are now boiling cauldrons, with
violent
rhetoric and action directed against yesterday’s immigrants, today’s citizens.
Across the UK, France, Germany, and beyond, the social contract is fraying, and politics has become
increasingly
cantankerous and potentially combustible. It is against these developments across which the Middle East and
South
Asia ought to be assessed.
Muslim majority states opposing the occupation and genocide of Palestinian lives and land potentially face the
threat of Israel, a rogue state that has repeatedly, and virtually unhindered, demonstrated its willingness to
strike. Israel’s closest ally after the US and a professed counterweight to China, India, has long sought
hegemonic authority in South Asia and the Pacific.
Most recently, in May, the Modi-Doval doctrine of force projection suffered a self-inflicted blow. India’s May
7
reckless attack on Pakistan following the April 22 terrorist attack in Pahalgam backfired. It gave Islamabad
the
opportunity to expose New Delhi’s vulnerabilities while demonstrating Pakistan’s integrated, multi-domain
defence
strategy. Pakistan showcased strategic foresight, a comprehensive operational plan, and unrivalled air
superiority. For the first time, Islamabad also revealed its indigenous cyber and electronic warfare
capabilities—signalling not only resilience but also technological sophistication.
The following month, during Israel’s 12-day war against Iran, Pakistan again distinguished itself. Islamabad
extended bold, confident, and unqualified diplomatic and political support to Tehran. This stance, widely
noted
across the Muslim world, elevated Pakistan’s credibility as a state willing to stand by principles and allies
even
in the face of pressure.
Equally significant was the engagement with Pakistan of US President Donald Trump, a major adversary of Iran.
He
invited the Pakistan Army Chief for an informed discussion on Iran, clearly acknowledging Pakistan as the most
engaged and knowledgeable on Iran. Significantly, Pakistan, a country that Iran also trusted, as was evident
by
the Iranian parliament, led by the Iranian President himself, to chant “thank you Pakistan, thank you
Pakistan”!
Hence, the twin crises of May and June thus underscored two realities: first, the growing centrality of hard
power
in shaping global and regional affairs; second, Pakistan’s ability to establish itself as both a formidable
military actor and a credible diplomatic partner. Much of this has been prompted by the tectonic changes in
the
global security environment. Pakistan's post-2022 military doctrine has recalibrated Pakistan’s regional
security
approach, particularly towards India, but also with implications for Afghanistan and beyond.
The new doctrine’s thrust has been twofold: to ensure rigorous training for Pakistan’s armed forces against
both
conventional and sub-conventional threats, and to signal Pakistan’s willingness to use force not only
defensively
but also to advance the settlement of historic disputes—most notably Kashmir. Importantly, Pakistan remains
positioned as a vocal supporter of the Palestinian cause, advocating for the implementation of UN Security
Council
resolutions as an independent state with pre-1967 borders and Jerusalem as its capital.
The Pakistan Army’s top command has simultaneously strengthened professional ties with historic partners such
as
China, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Iran, Egypt, and Oman. Relations with the US— once severely strained—are being
recalibrated, while relatively newer partnerships with Russia and Azerbaijan are being further
strengthened.
Through bilateral and multilateral security dialogues, professional bilateral training exchanges, multilateral
joint exercises, peacekeeping and UN operations, counterterrorism and counterinsurgency cooperation, maritime
security cooperation, defence production partnerships and arms exports, Pakistan’s security footprint is
expanding
regionally and globally. Pakistan’s security-first approach has historically preceded its economic and
diplomatic
engagements. The most consequential bilateral relationships—with China, Saudi Arabia, and the US—were all
initiated through security cooperation.
Among all this turmoil, Beijing continues to remain the lynchpin of Pakistan’s comprehensive strategic
security
paradigm. However, Islamabad has also maintained an unbroken, if fluctuating, presence in the Middle
East—embedding Pakistan in the region’s security architecture. This historic trajectory was dramatically
reaffirmed on September 19, with the signing of the Pakistan-Saudi Arabia Mutual Defence Agreement (MDA). The
agreement’s unambiguous clause—that “an attack against one will be considered an attack against both”—signals
the
return of Pakistan as a central player in Middle Eastern security. For Pakistan, the advantages are clear. It
cements Islamabad’s stature as a reliable security guarantor in the region. Already, countries such as Qatar,
Egypt, and Turkey are signalling interest in entering into similar agreements with Islamabad.
At the UN General Assembly, Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister Ishaq Dar was a special invitee at a
Qatar-chaired
meeting on regional security—an elevation from the past when Arab states often advised Pakistan to stay quiet
on
Israel’s crimes in Gaza. For KSA, the Strategic MDA with Pakistan diversifies its security partnerships.
Unlike
its other security partnerships, for Riyadh, Pakistan is a time-tested partner that has only recently
demonstrated
its military skill, strategy, and technological capability.
It evokes memories of Pakistan’s high-profile role in Middle Eastern security during the 1970s and early
1980s.
But it also raises critical questions:
- Does the MDA replace US-Saudi defence ties? No, but it adds a new dimension. The US relationship will continue, but Pakistan’s involvement diversifies Saudi Arabia’s options and strengthens its autonomy.
- Could this evolve into a broader regional alliance with Pakistan at its core? Possibly! Pakistan’s past security engagements in the region and the current regional threat environment make such an evolution likely.
- Was Washington informed? Yes, both Riyadh and Islamabad kept Washington, Tehran, and Beijing in the loop. Saudi Defence Minister Khalid bin Salman met with CENTCOM’s chief, while Pakistan quietly ensured all key stakeholders were briefed.
China’s role in this evolving security framework is also significant. While not a direct signatory, Beijing’s strategic alignment with both Pakistan and KSA positions it as a future stakeholder in this emerging security architecture. Clearly, hard power has returned to the global stage with vengeance. It is within this current turbulent context that Pakistan has sought to confront aggression and disorder. Militarily, it has demonstrated sophistication and resilience; diplomatically, it has shown boldness and principle. With the signing of the Pakistan-Saudi MDA, Pakistan is likely to reclaim a role it first carved out in the 1970s: a central security partner in the Middle East, pivoting indeed into South Asia and the Muslim world.